Modi moves ahead with reforms
RSS cries sound hollow
The relationship between Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and Narendrabhai Damodardas Modi is symbiotic. Modi is fulfilling the basic agenda of the Sangh in successfully converting India into a majoritarian Hindu Rashtra, breaking the quarter century old Dalit-Muslm/Muslim-OBC alliance in Hindi heartland, particularly UP, Bihar and Jharkhand through Hindu-Muslim communal polarization to re-impose Aryavrat rule, lost to the subalterns by the B team of the Brahmanical order, the Congress party in 1991.
Nothing else therefore matters. All other issues become secondary. Yesterday, October 28, the RSS top brass Krishna Gopal, Suresh Soni and others from its various affiliates the Swadeshi Jagran Manch (SJM), the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS), the Bharatiya Kisan Sangh (BKS), the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (VKA), the Laghu Udyog Bharati (LUB) and the Sahakar Bharati (SB) summoned a couple of Modi ministers, with past Sangh upbringing like Piyush Goyal, Narendra Singh Tomar, Radha Mohan Singh, Prakash Javadekar and the “Hero” of Muzaffarnagar carnage Sanjeev Kumar Balyan. Also present were Sangh nominees in the BJP, Ram Lal, Ram Madhav and Murlidhar Rao.
The ostensible purpose of the meeting was to impress upon the Modi ministers the adverse impact of Modi’s pro- business reformist moves on livelihood of the industrial workers whose interest BMS seeks to represent, the farmers whom BKS claims to represent, VKA constituency the tribals inhabiting the forests, and the small businessmen and entrepreneurs represented by the LUB and SB.
That’s where the contradiction lies. Whereas the Rising India nee Aryavrat is not the least uncomfortable with the Sangh’s vision to subtly alter secular democratic India into majoritarian Hindu Rashtra, it has enthusiastically backed Modi all along to unhesitatingly push the reformist agenda, which means toning down labour laws to the extent of making these irrelevant and superfluous to the needs of the working class; slowly and subtly withdraw all subsidies starting with diluting MNREGA, reduce and slowly withdraw the MSP to the farmers, similar treatment of the tribals, the Dalits and other subalterns whom the rising classes consider wasteful dregs of the society, who in their perception should slowly be pushed out at least from the electoral college so that the right to vote and decide who should rule this vast country be restricted only to the educated People Like Us (PLUs), just as General Mohammad Ziaul Haq restricted the electoral college to educated graduate Muslims, including those graduating from dubious Wahabi madrasas, patronized by the Mullah in Khaki and simultaneously disenfranchised the religious minorities in Pakistan in the name of proportionate representation or like the Sinhala establishment in Sri Lanka which systematically disenfranchised its Tamil population.
So while the high powered Sangh delegation beat their breast against Modi’s reformist agenda, Modi is moving ahead unmindful of these little pinpricks and will eventually have his way, fully aware of the limitations of the Sangh beyond a point for apart from him none could have converted India into an Aryavrat state so successfully so swiftly. The front page of the Indian Express today carries the news item of Sangh top brass summoning Modi’s ministers and lamenting to them the plight of workers, farmers and tribals under the new dispensation, while the turn page has a huge half page ad by ASSOCHAM , the Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry in India along with a message by its president Rana Kapoor which details how the Government ought to dilute or rather render the labour laws of the country redundant to ensure the success of Modi’s plans of ‘Make in India.’
A report prepared by ASSOCHAM seeks to alter or abolish the Industrial Disputes Act, 1947, Payment of Wages Act, 1936, Standing Orders, 1946 on engaging workers on fixed term contract,; Contract Labour (Regulation and Abolition Act, 1970); amending the Factories Act, 1948 to extend the working hours from existing 9-11 hours at the maximum to 10-13 hours through amendment; amending the Payment of Bonus Act, 1965 and lastly just do away with multiplicity of labour legislations.
The ASSOCHAM proposals cannot be dismissed lightly for the grapevine has it that it is ASSOCHAM, neither FICCI nor CII who enjoy Modi’s confidence and in fact most of the foreign assignments too are now being handed down not to the CII nor FICCI but ASSOCHAM.
The report gives us a good idea of what to expect in the coming days, particularly during the impending Winter session of Parliament from the Modi government, damn the Sanghis. As for them well Modi has been more than generous. All the plum postings are going to the chosen ones from Vivekananada International Foundation (VIF) the Sangh think tank from Chanakyapuri diplomatic enclave in New Delhi, starting from the Prime Minister’s Principal Secretary Nirpendra Mishra to his National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval to the latest Prasar Bharti chairman ASurya Prakash.
Whenever I see or hear of Surya Prakash I feel very angry with myself. In the days when I fell foul of Arun Shourie in the Indian Express for not blindly toeing his line during the memorable 1987 Indian Express strike, Surya Prakash emerged as my confidant or rather the shoulder whereupon I could cry, never for once suspecting him to be such a hard boiled Chaddi, even though he was the blue eyed boy of Shourie and had been promoted as the Bureau chief of Indian Express by Shourie over and above some extremely competent senior journalists like P Raman.
Modi has adopted a smart strategy. He chooses his favourites from among his Sanghi brethren only and thereby creates a constituency of loyalists among the Sanghis. The others be damned. He did it successfully in Gujarat and those who dissented with him like Praveen Togadia or Gordhan Zadafiya fell by the way side. Again in Delhi he cares two hoots for the criticism of Sanghi ideologues like K N Govindacharya when he has Uma Bharti genuflecting to him all the time.